1. Ideology
In the previous chapter (The fight for freedom ndr) we have briefly outlined what should be the setting of the battle by an anti-fascist socialism penetrated by a higher need for morality and freedom . This will try to establish some point of orientation for the socialist movement in the future.
The issue is far from the Byzantine period. Tomorrow can be foretold not be far away and still come unexpectedly, and history does not allow for weather and delays. If the problems of social reconstruction are not as of now bravely faced the socialist movement run the risk, as after the war, of being swept away by the cyclone demagogic improviser.
But before you even get off the examination Of this problem, it is useful to ask which character will take this back to the life of socialism. Shooting in the furrows mere traditional or fresh, original revival?
Those who always spent his whole life in the movement do not realize the seriousness of the current crisis and delude themselves che nulla di sostanziale sia mutato. Consapevoli della profonda penetrazione operata dal socialismo in Italia, e dei vasti residui sentimentali che sono nelle masse, non vedono soluzione di continuità. Pare loro che i problemi di ieri saranno ancora quelli di domani, che la continuità, assicurata dalle loro persone, sarà confermata dalle cose …
A questa conclusione sono tratti dalla stessa considerazione del fenomeno fascista – che definiscono parentesi irrazionale dovuta a fattori estrinseci e superficiali – e da una vena scettica e fatalistica. Ciò che è avvenuto, essi dicono, doveva avvenire. Il movimento socialista è stato quello che è stato non per volontà di uomini, ma per inevitably and inscrutable events. "Things" is not processed. If along the glorious path to socialism has been this abrupt stop-hit, that does not mean that it could be avoided or that the Socialists will bear the blame. And 'the alternative story of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie. If the reaction has not won for the mistakes of his opponents, but the immense progress made and the established, advances that have led to the reaction with the same fate which determines the condensation of atmospheric precipitation. So nothing of substance to review. Wait, hope and bravely take the road to being open again. Fascism is not an episode. The losers of today will be the victors of tomorrow.
Not so does the new generation. Young people do not like the comfortable self-absolution by recourse to a specific post. They claim a manly examination of the causes of defeat, a serious process of review and self-criticism. Believers in the role of the human will in history, I am not willing to attribute the defeat to the enmity of the gods or to the rhythm of the productive forces. They clearly feel that fascism is now an experience that will leave his groove in the Italian life can be like a mere accident or a simple bracket for a suspension. Fight it does not mean undo. Indeed, the better you fight and you exceed the it is better understood. Understand and overcome. Fascism is almost completely unpunished constructive values, but has a value of experience, revelation of the Italians for Italians, which can not be neglected. While not resolving or solving them evil, fascism also raised issues that can not be ignored. The problem of the relationship between socialism and the nation, the problem of government in a democracy, the issue of political autonomy, to arise, to fascism fell, with an intensity and a new style at all.
But even more than the experience of fascism - terribly negative, but still effective - the renewal decision will be imposed on the movement Socialist existence of new generations with which you will need to prepare their accounts. The same continuation of the fascist phenomenon - which prohibits any form with a connection to the past - and the fundamental experiences of the war and postwar period, created a new mentality in young people and a painful separation capture elements of the new generation. This posting is for all times and all places, but the war has made more acute in Europe, and in Italy - for the reasons mentioned in the chapter on Italian socialism - even dramatic. (For those who participated in the war in the prime of life, or in his red-hot atmosphere was formed, the war is the tragic point of departure , Confirmation, indelible imprint. For us, the first of '14, there is living history, but only learned the history books, which raises profound echoes in us. For our elders, instead - removed some rare spirit eternally young - the core of their useful life is lived in twentyfive years 1890-1915 inclusive. come after the darkness. The negation of subsequent violent, culminating in fascism, is necessarily an insult went to the best of themselves and work hard and patient as they sought to bring forth. Tomorrow looks like they will not come out trembling to a future full of chance and an unknown, but as a return, after a long detour, to the experiences of loro giovinezza. Il loro sguardo accorato si volge così nostalgicamente a un passato che non può tornare e che è fatalmente muto pei giovani. La rottura è stata troppo brusca. Il cozzo delle mentalità vieta ogni stretto rapporto. Vecchi e giovani socialisti possono amarsi, stimarsi, lavorare assieme; ma non si comprendono più. E’ fatale che non si comprendano più. Parlano due lingue diverse. In questo stato d’animo dei giovani c’è probabilmente anche molta ingiustizia verso la vecchia generazione; e quando verrà il tempo di fare la storia, la correzione di imporrà e l’allacciamento per qualche via si compierà. Ma per intanto non è male che li assista questa aspra volontà di rinnovamento and purification faith - even if it were illusory - to make the future better than what we did in the past, proceeds from the harsh lesson of these years all the teaching contained therein).
Definiamoci therefore function of the future.
The ideological problem. The ideological problem already mentioned in the chapter on socialism, liberal, why should this happen again. European socialism starts decisively towards an understanding and a practical responsibility to Labour and the Liberal government. In Italy will follow suit. E 'desirable that this movement is aware, that is expected and wanted, and do not appear dictated by circumstances, and is accompanied by a serious ideological renewal effort. Marxism can no longer aspire to preserve the role he had in the past. If you continue to do this would be done out of laziness and insincerity. No more, between the Socialist leaders, closely adheres to Marxism, or, if it accedes to it is with these reservations and distinctions take away much of the legal and educational value. These things must be said, tall and strong, without fear of causing disenchantment. And who does not feel good to tell you tolerate in peace that others say, without being expelled from socialism. We must do away coll'assurdo awe of everything that relates to Marx. Decoupling - or at least concede that you refrain - socialism and Marxism, Marxism recognizing one of the many theories of the motion transient socialist to a motion that stated spontaneously and independently of any theory, and that rests on reasons and basic needs of man.
Touch a point that I consider essential. There is talk of freedom, you fight for freedom. But the first is that freedom must be established within the movement, breaking the scale dogmatic and grotesque monopolies. The socialist movement must be consistent to apply first and foremost to itself the rules ideals that inspired him to reform the whole society. The discipline has its own action, but woe to impose it in the domain of ideas and ideologies. The claim of wanting to impose, through the party, an intellectual habit series is the most humiliating and dangerous you can imagine. I have already had occasion to say that frost, which had caused paralysis of the Italian Socialist Party Marxist monopoly. This monopoly - yes agree, often more formal than substantive and phraseology, because the more there are, in fact Marxism, beyond good and evil - in urgent need of being broken, to encourage a freer extrinsic all the current wave is fed to the past, the great movement for social emancipation. Between the socialists Italians have gone perpetuating divisions and misunderstandings which have no reason to exist when adherence to Marxist principles are not regarded as a testament of faith, and when next to the traditional conception of socialism is to admit the vitality or at least the utility other currents are especially sensitive to moral issues (Socialist Mazzini, ethical, Christian), or the problems of autonomy and political form (Republican, autonomy), or the problems of freedom and individual dignity, (socialist liberal and not a few self-styled socialist anarchists) , etc.etc. Over the past three decades, the Italian socialist movement has crystallized, as he gradually lost all virtue absorption and internal consolidation. It has carved out a slice, some substantial, in view of Italian society, but ended up settling to work on that, implicitly renouncing to extend its influence and to innovate, and has so singularly favored the triumph of other movements, as typically the democratic Christian, or have removed themselves from any fervor of cultural life. An Italian socialist movement that he knew the effort to impose a radical revision of values, some are able to direct him - despite the diversity of origin - all the young people who join forces and even more will join in an Italy free at last, the cause of workers , and determine the within the same his impetuous exuberance of life and discussions of young people who need not be eliminated, entering the world of ideas, have a duty to deal with the problems of their time.
's speech on the need for ideological renewal and greater liberalism within the movement, is expanding to all that the problem of culture. The Socialists in general, and Italian ones in particular are terribly late in terms of culture; late - I mean - is found on locations where the best of the new generation. This stems in part from the weight of mass movements, very conservative in terms of ideology and culture, but in part, in sum part - at least in Italy - from attachment to the positions of fetishistic positivist materialism that marked the socialist elite thirty years ago. It has always fought violently every deviation from socialism atheist, materialist, positivist, and he scorned as bourgeois all current youth that does not stick to your regular schedule. In his misoneism was, in truth, as well as a remarkable lack of understanding, a fair amount of conceit. This not only had not innovated at the time of its formation, the cultural positions of the bourgeoisie dominated by all popes positivists, but had instead embraced enthusiastically, according to several decades after the example of quelle correnti democratiche borghesi che si accingeva a soppiantare in sede politica. Non avrebbe quindi dovuto meravigliarsi che le nuove couches giovanili socialiste evolvessero in rapporto ai tempi. Ma no, Si trasportò in sede culturale lo stesso abito dogmatico che si portava in politica, e si pretese d’esser giunti in filosofia a verità assolute, definitive, senza possibilità di ritorni e di contraddizioni. La dialettica, tanto celebrata nel moto sociale, si negò nel mondo delle idee, o vi si rimbalzò in una forma meccanica. Il socialista doveva essere e non poteva che essere, positivista! L’idealismo e lo spiritualismo erano degenerazioni “borghesi”!
Ebbene, bisogna che the Socialists, both old and new, are convinced that some positions of the human spirit, for they are contradictory, are unsurpassed, eternal as the thought, inherent to our intelligence, and are beyond any relationship to each class. It is not true that socialism is a necessary relationship with the materialist and positivist philosophies. It 's ridiculous to think that day will come when men agree on the greatest problems of life and of breaking down religious and metaphysical only and always to live in the realm of sensible experience. On that day, which fortunately will never be, it would be a very bad day. From time immemorial, this variety, this alternative, go to this perennial contradictions and synthesis, has always existed, and there is no common man who has not tried himself.
Socialists too boldly carrying on a cultural and spiritual terminology policy and class divisions. Another result of Marxist determinism, another grossolanissimo error. Culture is not bourgeois or proletarian culture is not only that, or certain aspects of cultural life in secondary or extrinsic. You may have reflex-class art, but not an art class. The culture of an era, a nation has a heritage of values \u200b\u200bthat transcends the phenomenon of economic class, to establish itself as universal. It also with regard to those aspects of extrinsic and secondary to those reflected in the culture class, the Socialists will require great caution. Why, it is painful to say, in terms of sticking to tradition, customs, tastes, moral failure, the average working-class does not differ from the average bourgeois. The proletariat, as such, it has proved so far unable to create a serious movement of renewal within the sphere of culture, it does not follow that, after a generation or two, fashions, literary, artistic, philosophical, the educated middle classes. To find the emancipatory movements and attempted seriously in the intellectual sphere, it is quite avant-garde of bourgeois origin must address. Provenance borghese, non borghesi esse stesse; giacchè esse, meno di chiunque altro, aderiscono alla mentalità e ai pregiudizi propri della borghesia. Tanto è vero che è dal loro seno che proviene quasi tutta la élite socialista.
Il lungo discorso comporta una precisa conclusione. Questa: il movimento politico socialista deve adottare, per quanto si attiene all’indirizzo filosofico e culturale, un principio di larga intelligente tolleranza; se per il singolo è comprensibile, anzi doveroso, ogni sforzo per collegare teoria e pratica, pensiero azione, lo stesso proposito, riferito al movimento nel suo complesso, è un fatale errore. Guai a legare un moto dallo svolgimento secolare e dalla molteplicità irrepressible reason, at any given philosophical beliefs. Woe to want to fix, as it did last time, a philosophy of "official" of socialism. Means or give rise to social as well as the currents are or, most likely hypothesis, jam, dried up, isolate the motion. It means not realize the extraordinary complexity and intensity of life in the modern world, where is the constant changing of positions, schools, methods, where is the rapid wear of beliefs considered incontrovertible, where not even conceive position. It is above all to forget that the wave of thought, school, cultural tastes is much shorter and irregular wave motion of social and socialist, or at least that one does not coincide with each other. The conditions that led to the socialist movement are so basic and universal need and does not imply any specific relationship with this or that philosophy. A true philosophy, precisely because philosophy can ever justify, as appropriate, and conservation and restoration and the revolution. The test case for all of Hegel.
The impossibility, in addition to the error, tying the great socialist movement to a specific address theoretical and, especially, at a Marxist, is clearly revealed through the analysis of contemporary socialism. It is not only emancipated Marxist from slavery, but, with the increase in breadth and depth, it is colored differently in their national environments. Even the most blind believers absolute internationalism of the working class - typical of the bohemian and the persecuted, just a romantic early stage - are forced to recognize the substantial differences between the major social movements of the world. Differences that can not be explained with very different levels of economic development of various countries - as Marxism would - but with the use of complex causal series, whose synthesis is found in the physiognomy of the individual national communities.
Of all the great movements Socialists, the Social Democrats only Austro-Germanic states still formally adheres to Marxism, despite the sharp correction in favor of democracy brought about by the revolution of 1918 and the spread of heresy in the youth movement.
The French socialist tradition - romantic, humanistic, libertarian - has always remained alien to the influence of Marxism. The conciliation failed everywhere, even in larger, as Jaurès, oratorio in the heat of that alone was able to overcome the dualism of the reasons. In the French Socialists not strayed ever cult of individuality, the belief in free enterprise workers, the accession to the national situation, the recognition of moral factors, respect for craft and small rural property. Proudhon, Sorel, Jaurès and Guesde and Lafargue, are the legitimate representatives of the French Socialist mentality.
Even more striking originality of British socialism, decidedly anti-Marxist, antideologo, Antilia, or almost insensitive to the struggles of trends, lover, the empirical attitude is so typical in English, with concrete problems. The Labour Party - Federal brilliant synthesis of all the forces that are fighting for the cause of justice and labor - the practice of class struggle, but has always refused to lift it to the supreme tactical fee. It aims peaceful and gradual reform of the whole society, without opposition and tragic interruption. Socialism does not mean the British and the fiasco that we have met all the currents in continental - from Rousseau to Lenin - who does not mind putting an addition insular, religious cement that binds all Britons. The interest which all lead to the problems of the spirit fosters mutual understanding and tolerance, and strictly defines the division el'urto class in the material sphere, shock. The House of Commons sees ricomporsene break parties and the new, independent economic policy, just should not discuss religious matters ...
Socialists Italian - I speak especially of political leaders - in their zeal and internationalist in their slavish acceptance of the Marxist canon (Marxism ignores borders and knows only the class), but have too often forced the hallmark of the environment and history Italian. (The socialist tradition, albeit meager Italian [Pisacane, Cafiero, Ferrari, Mazzini] was almost entirely neglected. If it were not for the trade union movement and co-operative that is enriching, especially in the countryside, with magnificent original experiences, it should almost refuse to socialism Italian political life, every serious adherence to Italian).
The Italian socialism dovrà in avvenire preoccuparsi assai di più degli specifici problemi nazionali, rompendo l’assurdo monopolio patriottardo dei partiti cosiddetti nazionali. Nel progressivo specificarsi e individualizzarsi dei vari movimenti socialisti europei, non si deve scorgere il sintomo del fallimento dell’ideale universalistico del socialismo. Al contrario, vi si deve riconoscere il segno del trapasso dall’astratto al reale, un momento fondamentale ed ineliminabile nel cammino ascensionale delle masse, le quali non sono in grado di passare di colpo dallo spirito di categoria e di campanile, alla comprensione piena e vissuta di una solidarietà mondiale. La comunità dei popoli postula i popoli come entità a sé stanti, coi loro originali development purposes, only an organic synthesis of the various national communities take one day at a federation of nations. Everything else is utopia. The initial denial of national values \u200b\u200bfrom the precursor was the natural reaction to the socialist state of deep inferiority and oppression done to the masses. Their internationalism was particularly contentious and non-constructive. The working class, accustomed to seeing in the state a tool of class oppression, inevitably involved in the condemnation and hatred but also the country that is undeniable symbolic expression of a common history and destiny. Now that the masses in the advanced countries, one sees granted full equality of political rights and came in possession of powerful means to permeate, their material needs and ideals, the State, today the prohibition internationalism that denies or denies the country is a contradiction, a mistake, one of the many balls that lead the Marxist fetish hung at the foot of the socialist parties. The war proved to the national myth as a force to be equipped. Unwilling peoples have been fired at people unwillingly into a life of terrible war years without organized in the democratic countries there has been only one serious attempt at rebellion. And the more that the myth is too often the national prejudice. Just a foot-ball game or a boxing fight, unfortunately, to demonstrate how can the masses, even the most disenchanted, the patriotic instinct. They are in a primitive and dangerous phase of patriotism that makes them easy prey for any adventure that underlie the fake tinsel of national honor and the like. If the Socialists, but to combat these forms of primitive or degenerate or attachment to the country concerned, insist on ignoring the higher values \u200b\u200bof national life, will only facilitate the clearance of other currents that national myth based on the exploitation of their fortunes .
2. The practice
Italian Socialism needs - what am I saying? - Extreme necessity a bath of realism, to take a closer contact with the country, giving up too many sides to the mediation schema Marxist strain. Undoubtedly, the materialist theory of history rendered valuable services initially react with the formalistic and too one-sided considerations of the historical process, but exhausted its critical task, and forced to serve too slavishly a preconceived thesis, in turn, eventually lead to disastrous excesses.
Much more often than not believe the realism of Marxist realism is a fake. It deceives the weight of the various forces at play, their reports and especially on the historical development which assigns a theme and a fixed outlet. Socialism marxista ha superato l’utopismo nel fine, rinunciando ai piani di società perfette: ma lo ha trasportato nello svolgimento. Lo svolgimento deve essere sempre necessariamente verso forme di economia collettiva, attraverso una esasperazione progressiva dei contrasti di classe. Variazioni sostanziali nel programma non se ne contempla o, se si verificano, tutto lo sforzo è diretto a svalutarle riducendole al rango d’eccezione. La storia è un gigantesco dramma a tesi, a ruoli obbligati. L’attenzione del socialista marxista è sempre polarizzata sui problemi del capitalismo industriale. Le uniche forme veramente legittime di produzione sono quelle sono quelle della grande industria razionalizzata e della grande agricoltura razionalizzata. L’unica categoria lavoratrice all’altezza dei tempi è il salariato. Popolo e salariato sono sinonimi nel pensiero marxista. Le altre forme di produzione e le altre categorie lavoratrici sono forme e categorie anfibie, transitorie, retaggio di un mondo economico destinato a scomparire rapidamente; il marxista le considera già sin d’ora come acquisite, assorbite dal grande capitalismo e dall’esercito proletario. Solo il salariato dell’industria è il degno milite della battaglia socialista, perché egli solo può assurgere a una perfetta coscienza di classe e dei suoi compiti rivoluzionari. Il grado del progresso è fornito dal grado di proletarizzazione.
Da questa visione pregiudiziale e sommaria della evoluzione economica sorgono gravi inconvenienti per il moto socialista, specie in paesi agrario-industriali a lenta trasformazione economica, come tipicamente l’Italia. Il più grave è l’incapacità di darsi un programma costruttivo in questa fase cosiddetta di trapasso, che pure chiede anch’essa di essere vissuta in tutta la sua pienezza. Quel che sorridendo si dice dei grandi pensatori negati ai piccoli problemi della vita d’ogni giorno, si può ripetere per il socialista marxista: abituato a commerciare con le “categorie economiche”, i “modi di produzione”, il “capitalismo” e il “socialismo” non riesce più a comprendere i meschini, ma pur vitali problemi concrete that has the practice, and especially the problems relating to small-scale industry, small agricultural property, tenant farming, handicrafts, fittanze.
's a new aspect of his liberalism, this time directed not against the ideology, am against things, and it is not the ultimate cause of the rapid fortune that could have other political movements in Italy - as For example, the Christian Social - much less tied to rigid formulas priori.
Sombart highlighted the error of those who foresee the future in the exclusive domain of a single economic system. All the experience and past dela nature of economic development will clash. Throughout history the number of economic forces simultaneously living has been steadily increasing, even if you changed the respective positions. Sombart expected to coexist in the future, in addition to economies of capitalistic economies cooperative, collectivist, individuals, artisans, and small rural property. He thinks - and here one can argue - that capitalism will dominate much longer important branches of economic life, especially those who are still in a stage of technological revolution, and those who have turned to the manufacture of complicated products. But he first expected major changes. E 'likely that capitalism must give up its hegemony, submitting more and more restrictions and interventions by public authorities, as they will be extending the forms of economic regulation in which the principle of satisfying the needs takes precedence over the principle of profit. These large firms dominated by capitalist industry focuses on where the need is stabilized, the manufacturing technique is revolutionary initial stage exit, and then the sales and production are around ways well known, so the spirit becomes more and more superfluous d 'initiative.
This conception of the economic life of varied so near future is much less bright that of Marx, but it is much more responsive to the lines where you actually develop the current reality. It may be debated on the speed of evolution, on the weight of their forms, and the degree of intervention, but not the phenomenon itself. The socialists who want to affect seriously the reality of their time and influence this development can not continue in a barren criticism a priori linear trend contrasting the ideal of an evolution that made anywhere, including Russia, is realized. The ignorance, deliberate or unintended, of the facts is unacceptable for those who still believe in a revolution in one piece next to the sort of production, not for those who have a organic vision of development, and responsibility for those whose task was positive.
This argument, said, applies particularly to Italy. If there is a country in which the formulas are simple and unambiguous sprout against insurmountable variety of climates, cultures and forms of economic forces, this country is Italy, the mother of at least two Italie: of modern Italy , city, industrial, and an Italy of old and rural, yet strange to Western civilization, from the masses and is still a virgin, who lives out, stubbornly out of those conditions of existence which are essential preconditions for the rise and of a strong socialist movement in Marxist character. Quite apart from any intrinsic evaluation of Marxism, there is no doubt that it lends itself to providing the basis only of a political movement that workers face pin on the categories of large and medium industry and part of the rural laborers. That is, to return to Italy, a political movement for a long time to come will affect only a fraction, a minority of the Italian working class, what is more concentrated in one third of the territory. According to the census of '21, still valid, it is: a) that 56% of the population classified as a worker, he was assigned to agriculture, and only 33% for industry and commerce; b) che più della metà degli occupati nell’agricoltura costituiscono l’esercito imponente dei piccoli proprietari, fittavoli e mezzadri; c) che almeno un terzo degli occupati nell’industria e commercio sono proprietari, conduttori o gerenti – proporzione altissima, che attesta le piccole dimensioni della maggior parte delle industrie; d) che la trasformazione dell’Italia da paese prevalentemente agricolo in paese agricolo industriale si è svolta senza sensibile aumento della quota della popolazione occupata nell’industria e nei commerci (227/000 nel 1882, 219/000 nel 1901, 200-210/000 attualmente).
Risulta cioè che, sulla base del programma e della tattica marxista, not winning a majority in Italy. Or resign themselves to minority status for an indefinite number of years and perhaps generations, or invoke the dictatorship. The Italian Communists, attacked the letter of Marxism, are logical, like the Russians to reclaim the dictatorship of the vanguard of the proletariat and the end of freedom. Where is it less logical when they claim to give to understand that their dictatorship is responsive to the entire working class. The myth and fate socializer proletarianized do not smile because two-thirds of real Italian workers. In these areas, the joint appeal, and even the Socialist vieux style that resonates vacuum is fatal, except in periods of crisis and climax. Especially in the agrarian socialist Marxists have never been able to interpret the profound aspirations of the great mass of Italian peasants. Dominated by the ruling political and economic prejudices, they ended up feudalised any socialist movement to the interests of working-class categories of the North, raising protests lively socialist south.
Now the Italian Socialists must decide. They want to stay forever representatives of a specific fraction of the Italian proletariat, waiting Buddhist economic developments transform Italy in a Germany or a Britain with 80% of industrial workers? Or want to get into a position from now on with a suitable program and realistic, of bad faith for all, or at least a large majority of real Italian workers, to implement their own policies finally decisively in the interests of labor, peace and freedom? If they keep to the facts that most programs, in order to abstract the motion, the promises that the mythical achievements have only to follow the old road are assured that the time of the responsibilities of government will never sound good to them, or at least for the party. Although the government will rise to perform operations more negative than constructive, more to do to control and prevent, and, unwittingly, end up the trailer of bourgeois liberal groups, not bound by rigid formulas and impromptu ruling. In any case they betray in this way their mission more real, because the socialist movement must, by definition, invest the interests and problems of the entire working class and not a village, large or small. If, however, feel that they too can not escape in the near future in what has become a necessity for all the socialist parties of the world - that is the responsibility of power - be prepared from now on a major review of their program, their tactics, the very structure of the movement, in such a way to create the possibility of gaining a solid majority. With all this mean you do not ask the Socialists to give up their ideals, to throw between the rust-buckets of propaganda the dream of a society governed on the principle of justice and freedom. Quite the contrary. He even asked not to jeopardize the possibility of real progress in that direction with the morbid attachment to formulas, programs, methods to overcome, in short, is asked to catch up with the economic and psychological realities of their country, not to trifle with apocalyptic dreams of change and not rely on the sudden mass conversion inconceivable. Replace the old Marxist program, a program also on the side finalist broader, less historically and socially conditioned, that by appealing to reason and universal ideals is able to shine not this or that fraction of workers, but all and sundry Italian workers.
the changes in the program must have a corresponding change in organizational forms. The ancient dualism of party and labor movement can not be prolonged. How much more will arise on the first floor of the problems of motion, and more will be heard even political weight of workers' organizations. Democracy lives working in the unions, not in the party: the party always tends to a certain extent to the dictatorship in the name of ideology and purpose far you want to not impose their correlation with the sentiment of most, but for their presumed intrinsic goodness. I am clearly in favor of a reorganization of the socialist movement on a basis similar to those of the British Labour Party: to center on the motion that workers tending to physiological law unit and effective damping of internal shocks, especially if the source ideology, and accompanying one with a constellation of political groups, cultural associations, organizations of cooperative, mutual, and so on. Conceive that the party of tomorrow with a much more broad and generous spirit of what yesterday was not, as a synthesis of all the Federal forces fighting for the cause of labor based on a constructive program of work. It should have particular regard to the immediate tasks for achievable in a reasonably short space of years. One point should remain stationary: that is, accepting the fact (on the books indulges well as philosophers of history) of the liberal method of political struggle. You would not know admitted misunderstandings and contradictions. You can not organize a revolution and demand that you resign by opponents at the same time a gradual penetration of the state until the peaceful conquest of power.
An organization of the Italian socialist movement on the lines mentioned above - re living already in power in the alliance of the Italian left in the fight for freedom and the Republic of the job - help immensely to solve what will be the most sensitive issue of the future post-Fascist: Italy Government to ensure a balance. There is no doubt that one cause of the Fascist triumph was due to the degeneration of parliamentary life, the inability to gather around a building program a core of uniform strength. The Socialists, who are invariably at the heart of the government tomorrow, will enable them to develop a program with a realistic and flexible organization that will certainly have the broad consensus in large segments of the population. I say more: the transition to the responsibilities of government to impose too rigid to weaken the socialist concept of class, which is incompatible with a normal functioning of democratic institutions. The parties, when they come to power, should not govern themselves, but for everyone, buy a universal value. On the basis of a class or socialism in Italy will have a majority, nor will it have the power. It must be prepared to expand its face to the whole working class, and to govern in the name of a value - the work - which can rightly be said to be interest all men because all men, or nearly so, contribute in some way or another, the work of production.
From this point of view it would be desirable the creation of a new political formation. Not being more formally linked to the past, it would be more free from any requirement of consistency with existing programs and old methods, and could develop more freely, based on the extraordinary experience of fifteen years, a rolling plan.
chapter entitled "Towards a new socialism" Carlo Rosselli (first edition, in French, 1930)
