"The complaint is the right reaction, bigotry. And if I have to belong more to the cultural fascism to the right, that disgusts me [...] Fascism I've known the family is liberal, pleasure-loving, generous. I think fascism revolutionary beginnings and endings, but that does not keep changing, the Socialist and socialist ... "
Clear ideas and hear those of twenty-eight Nicolo Accame, journalist of the "Century of Italy" interviewed, along with his father Janus, in March 1996 by Stefano Di Michele: Two Fascists, a father and son. Clear ideas and feel that sink in a widespread and deeply rooted existential and cultural backgrounds. That so-called "fascist left."
Even when Alberto Giovannini, long-time journalist, was born in 1912, was forced to define themselves by force of circumstances had to resort to that apparent oxymoron: "I am a fascist state in my own way. It was, as ours, a left-wing fascism. " He added: "I could not have a loyalty and gratitude to the regime through which I, who was none, the son of poor people, workers, starting by doing the errand, I had come to conduct a newspaper. Fascism had given me the opportunity to advance socially. I had not forgotten ...».
And when, in the mid-'80s, during the presentation of a new edition of "Italian writer" Berto Ricci, executive officers and MSI Pinuccio Tatarella Beppe Niccolai, they too were forced to define themselves, the two responses resulted antithetical. More than "right" and "center-right" is defined Tatarella, connecting with the political tradition that in the 50s I saw many cities of the South run by coalitions made by MSI, liberal and royalist and right DC. Definitely "not right", even "left", but argues Niccolai, hang on a completely different tradition. A tradition that had its roots in Mussolini Jacobin socialism in the Risorgimento Pisacane, in Sorel's syndicalism and Corridoni, avant-garde art in the early twentieth century, fascism in Sansepolcro in 1919, Gentile's interpretation of Marxism ...
If in fact historically fascism and Mussolini was born with "The People of Italy between 1914 and 1919 from a split in the Socialist Party, the Catholic philosopher Augusto Del Noce has backdated to 1899 with the philosophical genesis the publication of the essay by Giovanni Gentile on "The Philosophy of Marx, Lenin, which was considered by the" Granat Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary "of 1915 - one of the studies more interesting and profound thinker of the theoretical essence of Trier. Marxism, materialism Gentile dismissed the nineteenth century but enthusiastically embraced the ultra-modern dimension of "philosophy of practice ', aimed not only to interpret the world but to change it. Delnociana at least according to the interpretation, then, fascism in no way a negation of Marxism, but rather a "revision" which reinterprets the practice as spirituality. Fascism promises, in short, as a revolution "further" than the Marx-Leninist. On the other hand, became the official philosopher of Fascism, Gentile republished his book on Marx in 1937, with full of "years of consensus." And when, 24 June 1943, delivered the Sermon on the Capitol to urge Italians to resist the Anglo-Americans, addressed specifically to the rooms on the left presenting fascism as "an order of justice based on the principle that the only value is the job. " Namely, "Who speaks today of Communism in Italy is a corporatist impatient." Lenin himself, after all, turning in 1922 to Communist Bombacci Nicola was able to say: "In Italy there was only one able to make the socialist revolution: Benito Mussolini."
Nel fascismo di sinistra ci sono davvero tante cose: il percorso politico dello stesso Bombacci, il comunista finito a Salò e appeso con Mussolini a Piazzale Loreto; la covata ribelle dei giovani intellettuali aggregati attorno all'ex anarchico fiorentino Berto Ricci e alla sua rivista "L'Universale"; il "lungo viaggio" dal fascismo al comunismo di tanti intellettuali, da Davide Lajolo a Fidia Gambetti, da Felice Chilanti a Ruggero Zangrandi, da Elio Vittorini a Vasco Pratolini, da Ottone Rosai a Mino Maccari. Fermenti e contraddizioni che hanno indotto lo storico Giuseppe Parlato a dedicare un intero libro alla cosiddetta "sinistra fascista": «Quell'insieme, a volte discorde e contraddittorio, di sentimenti, di posizioni, di prospettive e di progetti che si fondavano sulla persuasione di vivere nel fascismo e attraverso il fascismo una sorta di palingenesi rivoluzionaria, la prima vera rivoluzione italiana dall'unità».
E delle varie anime del fascismo, la "sinistra" fu sicuramente la più vivace. Ancorata al Risorgimento mazziniano e garibaldino, la sinistra fascista cercò di incarnare un progetto che era nato prima del fascismo e che mirava ad oltrepassare la stessa esperienza mussoliniana. E se nei primi tempi essa si tradusse essenzialmente nello squadrismo e nel sindacalismo, verso la metà degli anni '30 -aggregando soprattutto i giovani universitari, gli intellettuali e i sindacalisti - si fece portatrice di un "secondo fascismo" teso a superare la società borghese. Non è un caso che i vari Bilenchi, Pratolini e tutti i giovani intellettuali del cosiddetto "fascismo di sinistra", oltre che in Berto Ricci, trovassero un punto di riferimento nel fascista anarchico Marcello Gallian. «I libri di Gallian -scriveva Romano Bilenchi su "Il Popolo d'Italia" del 20 agosto 1935- sono documenti... E un documento su di un periodo rivoluzionario non creduto compiuto non avrà fine finché tutta la rivoluzione non sia realizzata».
Quest'anima di sinistra conviverà nei vent'anni del regime con altre componenti. E nonostante il suo essere per molti versi un "progetto mancato", marcherà always the Fascist period, significantly impacting on the cultural identity of both the fascism of the post-Fascist.
Bilenchi He will admit, become a Communist after the war: "I was very attached to these ideas, let's say, social ... I was struck by the program of fascism, the left-most, at least in words and at least at the beginning of the others ... Then I met Berto Ricci, a serious person, honest and friendly. He was an anarchist, Soviet, and joined the Fascist Party was convinced to join a proletarian revolution. "
Moreover, already in 1920, Marinetti had written: "I am pleased to learn that the futurists Russian Bolsheviks are all ... Russian cities, for the last party in May, were decorated by Futurist painters. The train of Lenin were painted outside with dynamic colored shapes very similar to those of Boccioni, Balla and Russolo. This honor Lenin and welcomes us as a victory for us. "
It is on record that 16 November 1922, just with a speech to the Chamber President of the Council of Mussolini, Italy was the first Western countries to declare themselves available to the international recognition of the Soviet Union. An opening that, at least until the English war, will never fail. In June 1929, Italo Balbo, one of his famous flight from Italy arrived in Odessa in the USSR, and there was greeted with a guard of honor. And December 4, 1933, Mussolini officially received at the Palazzo Venezia Russian Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov: for three months the two countries had signed a pact of friendship and the opportunity to further strengthened the good relations.
were the years in which the philosopher Ugo Spirito came to theorize-in studies of corporate conference in Ferrara in 1932 - the "owners corporation" which indeed provides for the abolition of private property, and where the teeming even-Soviet publications, including a book by Renzo Bertoni, who just returned from a stay in the Soviet Union, in 1934 published a book entitled "and even" The triumph of fascism in the USSR "on the cover of which you could see a Stalin with an open hand and a caption that read:" Stalin in Roman salutes the crowd. "
Then, the English Civil War, World War II and the Republic of Salò. And it triggered lively discussions between Hitler and Mussolini. For the German dictator that experience was to be called "Fascist Italian Republic." Mussolini, however, no longer subject to compulsory arbitration with the monarchy and conservative, would have preferred "the Italian Socialist Republic ', returning in some fashion to the suggestions Sansepolcro. But that adjective che puzzava di sovversione e di marxismo Hitler non volle sentirne parlare. E alla fine si accordarono su Repubblica Sociale Italiana. E sia pure ridotto a "sociale", la parola socialista tornava nel lessico dei fascisti. Tanto da emozionare il socialista della prima ora ed ex comunista Nicola Bombacci -colui che aveva fatto adottare il simbolo della falce e martello ai comunisti italiani- e a farlo riappacificare con Mussolini: «Duce -gli scrive l'11 ottobre 1943- sono oggi più di ieri totalmente con Voi. Il lurido tradimento re-Badoglio che ha trascinato purtroppo nella rovina e nel disonore l'Italia, Vi ha però liberato di tutti i componenti pluto-monarchici del '22. Oggi la strada è libera e a mio giudizio si può percorrere sino al traguardo socialista».
In one article written shortly before being killed by the partisans, the journalist Enzo Pied-editor in chief of Salò "Fascist Republic" - wrote: "The Duce has called the Republic" social "not to play: our programs are definitely revolutionary, our ideas are part of those who in a democratic regime would be called "left". "
And in the twilight days of Salo, Mussolini confided to journalist socialist Charles Silvestri: "The greatest tragedy of my life when I had produced the strength to appeal to the cooperation of the Socialists and reject ' false assault corporate. The truth in which acting as agents of capitalism ... Everything that happened next was the result of the body of Matteotti 10 June 1924 that he was thrown between me and the Socialists to prevent anything happening that meeting that would give direction to national policy. "
on the experience of CSR, Enrico Landolfi wrote that it was not unique: "It was, conversely, a sfaccettatissimo prism, a pluralistic phenomenon. So true that it was present almost the entire spectrum of doctrine and politics. Landolfi emphasizes the presence within it of the same left-fascist leaders willing to cooperate in the implementation of the "Manifesto of Verona": well Bombacci and Charles Silvestri, Edmondo Cione, Germinal Concordia PULVO Zocchi, Walter and Siegfried Mocchi Barghini. Beside them, there was a wide especially in Salò "aggregation more coherent and consistent revolutionary, socializing, popular-national libertarian. Available also the latter, and indeed an advocate of dialogue with anti-fascism, prone to the wider democratization of the Republic, determined to resist interference and robberies Nazi unequivocally anti-capitalist and anti-bourgeois. " And for this, Landolfi titled his book on CSR: "Hello, Red Salò." That "red republic" that greeted Bombacci for the last time, before the partigiani lo fucilassero, con le parole: «Viva Mussolini! Viva il socialismo!».
Nell'immediato dopoguerra il tema del recupero politico, o almeno elettorale, di chi era stato fascista nel Ventennio ma anche nella RSI, interesserà, più o meno scopertamente, anche il PSI e il PCI, i partiti dove troveranno accoglienza molti fascisti di sinistra. Così, nell'agosto 1947, Palmiro Togliatti, che l'anno prima in qualità di ministro di Grazia e Giustizia aveva concesso l'amnistia ai fascisti, sul quotidiano comunista "La Repubblica d'Italia" scriveva: «Non nascondiamo le nostre simpatie per quegli ex fascisti, giovani o adulti, che sotto il passato regime appartenevano the current one in which he felt anxiety about discovering new social horizons ... We recognize the former left-wing fascists the right to assemble and freely express themselves while maintaining their autonomy. "
And the Socialist leader Pietro Nenni, interviewed by "Paese Sera" 1 January 1955, legitimized the fascists of the left: "We simply express the right anti-social instincts, retention and response. A typical case is that of the fascists, to join the political reactionary American did not hesitate to stab their leader again and to deny the only respect their traditions, namely the opposition to the domain of so-called plutocracy. " E lo stesso Nenni, se alla vigilia delle elezioni del 1953, aveva aperto le pagine de "l'Avanti!" all'ex direttore fascista de "La Stampa" di Torino, Concetto Pettinato, già nell'immediato dopoguerra aveva favorito la nascita di una rivista -"Rosso e Nero"- con la quale il fascista di sinistra Alberto Giovannini tentava di conciliare le attese fasciste della "rivoluzione incompiuta" con quelle socialiste della "rivoluzione mancata".
In questo clima, un gruppo di fascisti di sinistra si raccoglierà attorno alla rivista quindicinale "Il Pensiero Nazionale" diretto dallo scrittore e giornalista già repubblichino Stanis Ruinas. Verranno definiti «fascisti-comunisti», «comun-fascisti», «camicie nere di Togliatti» e «fascisti rossi», definizione quest'ultima che dopo qualche esitazione finiranno anche per accettare. Ma il "rosso" di questi fascisti non fu necessariamente quello del PCI, ma un rosso più articolato, più complesso, più variegato. Tanto che, persino nella sua componente più incline alla linea di Botteghe Oscure, vi fu una divisione tra il gruppetto che volle entrare -ed entrò- nel PCI e gli altri che preferirono restare indipendenti. Dopo il '53, il gruppo de "Il Pensiero Nazionale" si avvicinerà ai socialisti, ai socialdemocratici e alla sinistra cattolica, finendo per gravitare nell'orbita del presidente dell'Eni Enrico Mattei e del suo nazionalismo democratico e mediterraneo. But there will also relationships and exchanges with members of the left internal fascist MSI.
MSI Recognized as the leader of the left of the origin was undoubtedly Giorgio Pini: journalist close to Mussolini before and during the RSI, it will be regular contributor of "national thinking" since 1954, when, in April ' 52, leaves the MSI, and in '53, he breaks the bond between the magazine and you do not like the Communist Party. But in reality all the 50 recorded contacts and discussions, including public, including young people and youth leaders MSI Communists, especially during the years of debate, Italy's entry into NATO. And in 1958, the same Palmiro Togliatti came to defend the so-called 'operation Milazzo, "which, in Sicily, created the administrative alliance between MSI and PCI.
In a speech to the House, December 9, the communist leader said: "The convergences that have led some, even here, the usual inept jokes about communism and MSI to shake hands, embrace, and so on. This is a basic problem that must be recognized and appreciated in its full value, we will give an active contribution to that progress be made. " On the other hand, even after the release of the MSI-Giorgio Pini still far from becoming the party of "national right" - remained inside and was always on a vast and presence of "fascist left": Ernesto Massi, Bruno Spampanato, Diano Brocchi, Giorgio Bacchi, Roberto Mieville, Dominic Leccisi, Joseph Landi, Ugo and Beppe Niccolai Clavenzani ... And the same Giorgio Almirante, before becoming secretary of the party and launch of the "great right", was for many years a leading exponent of the inner left.
Ernesto Massi, a great scholar of geopolitics, a professor at the Catholic University of Milan and the national deputy secretary of the MSI 1948 to 1952, leaving the party in 1957 for political self groped experiments. Until 1965 George Pini soul with a "Committee of Initiative the next national. " And only after the failure of the "National Party of Labour" in 1958-which also occurs in the general elections in five constituencies, and the drying-up in 1963, his magazine "socialist nation", will return in 1972 reverting to MSI through the Institute of Corporate studies.
In 1963, however, was closed while the experience of "socialist nation", was born in Rome, "The Hours" directed by Luciano Lucci clarify, a magazine and a lab that once again the tradition of "fascism left "in new terms, and much more attentive to the evolution of Italian and international scenes. Clarify Lucci, born in Ancona in 1924, was voluntary Salò, immediately after the war was fought in the underground movement of the FAR (Revolutionary Action tow), and had always felt that belongs to a "left nationally." "The Clock" was trying to get out of the way of the "eternal hatred" and the nostalgic end in itself, contesting not only the MSI Michelin, but also the extra-parliamentary groups such as "New Order" and "National Vanguard". Lucci explained to clarify: "Hannibal is at the door, but not because it is the center-left." And "The Hours," which launched the theme of the reappropriation of the "home keys", argued against De Gaulle and the Atlantic Alliance in the war of the "six days" sided with the Arab countries against Israeli imperialism. "" The Clock "-Giuseppe Parlato wrote-located in American capitalism and imperialism in greater danger than the Soviet culture and Italian politics ... And unlike all the other sheets neo-fascists, "The Clock" immediately took a position strongly in favor of the Vietnamese and their fight for independence. "
are the years in which next-to-side and often in many extra-parliamentary right-wing groups, there are also extra-parliamentary groups inspired by the "left-wing fascism." Thus, the Italian section of the Young Europe by Jean Thiriart headline "For a Socialist" a document of the Florentine 1968. E così, nel 1967, nasceva la "Costituente nazionale rivoluzionaria", fondata da Giacomo De Sario: classe 1927, ex segretario della federazione giovanile socialdemocratica ed ex dirigente della Giovane Italia. Con un simbolo rosso e nero, «rosso per la socialità, nero per la nazione», quel movimento -tra i cui esponenti di spicco c'erano i giovani Massimo Brutti e Massimo Magliaro, l'uno futuro dirigente del PCI e poi dei DS, l'altro diventerà capo ufficio stampa di Almirante e poi giornalista RAI- si faceva conoscere attraverso un periodico: "Forza Uomo", settimanale di lotta con redazioni a Roma, Milano, Varese e Brindisi. Il primo numero andò in edicola il 10 agosto 1969. Tra i riferimenti culturali c'erano Mazzini and Pisacane, Corridoni and Gentile, Mussolini and the Futurists.
In the wake of that tradition stood the "Fighters of the National Federation of CSR, which in '70 became president Giorgio Pini. In the inaugural address, Pini condemned the attitude of the Fascists' moves to the right conservative and authoritarian, totalitarian, in hybrid combination with monarchists and with the most reactionary religious groups ", and invited to reject" the right-wing fanatic Occidentalism reached the point of fawning praise of Nixon, the bombing of Vietnam, "and condemning" any collusion with the military regimes and civil liberty of the Greek colonels, General Franco, sacrificer the noble phalanx of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the regime stubbornly conservative, classist and colonial Lisbon, than racist South Africa and Rhodesia. " In those years, the Federation was to leave Rome a series of publications-the fortnightly "FNC-CSR news," the monthly "Correspondence Republican," the quarterly "Azimut" and the young leaf "Upstream" - whose leaders were Romulus and Giuliana PF Altomonte (almost pseudonymous initials with which he signed the Futurist artist Prince Frederick Alton).
Broke '68, is the "FNC-CSR" and "Come on Man" and "The Clock" line up naturally with the dispute. "The Clock" indeed, also supported the youth protest at the organizational level, giving rise to "Groups Clock" and giving substance to the cultural transformation in a "revolutionary" in some circles of neo-fascist matrix. And after the end of that experience and the diaspora, their entertainer, Luciano Lucci clarify, build the political-cultural association "Italy and Civilization" that, in the early 80s, will be sponsoring a series of public meetings new "socialism flag was turned on by turning craxiana.
inside or outside of the MSI, then, a tradition has never died. And what could be called the latest incarnation of a "left" originated from the universe neo-fascist, is expressed in the mid-'70s with the assumptions and unpublished references. This time it was a phenomenon largely generational and existential and ideological in the strict sense. To take note, in January 1979, Giorgio Galli was the "Republic" talking about "fascists in red shirt." Children of the 70s, these grandchildren unaware of Berto Ricci and Nicolino Bombacci, revealed a parallel path to that which, on the other side, were the leading peers of the "new left". Galli And it highlights a number of "other than from the usual 'and, in particular the aspiration to tune in and join the' anti-system protest of the young, the unemployed and the underclass."
It was a large youth unrest emerged in those years and that could be gathered through publications such as "The Voice of the Sewer" and "Line", which featured topics and unusual tones for the previous neo-fascist publications. It introduced new themes, such as a commitment to civil rights and environmental issues. "Nuclear? Ten times no", it said on the second issue of "Line". And always in the pages of the magazine appeared the first real investigation into the "Green" Germans, opening a debate on the liberalization of the drug, and pages and pages about new needs and on youth. Emerged, above all, the picture of an environment characterized by a line libertarian, to the security, anti-statism, environmentalist, anti-Western and even grain with regionalism and anti-prohibitionist.
"Break left," was the title of an article by Mark Tarchi that, on the third issue of "Line", launched in grand style expression bound to have success. Back in '76, after all, the same Tarchi was author of a document of "Young Front" Tuscany where, by examining the causes of electoral defeat, invited to "break left": many voters, was the thesis Tarchi PCI-voted for not because the communists, "but they were moved by a desire for change, and disgusted on how to manage public affairs established by the DC and its allies. "
The youth component will find its identity in the experience of the above fields Hobbit. And paradoxically, between 1976 and 1982, identify its referent in the MSI that Pino Rauti that as well, in previous decades had been the champion of the wing and traditionalist evoliana array of neo-fascism. As written by the historian Pasquale Serra, "in the second half of the 70 Rauti reverse the pattern of his previous argument: on the one hand, he identifies as the prime source of Italian fascism (fascism of the synthesis) rather than the Nazis or fascism "Minor", as was the case in previous decades, and the other shows the origins of fascism to his left. "
And these guidelines, up to the 80s, is also expressed in some of the experiences of local government, where the MSI will rule along with the PCI and the PSI. In 1987, during a political forum, Giorgio Almirante was embarrassed by a reporter who asked him what was going to light up Furci Siculus, a center of Messina, where the MSI Carmelo Briguglio was the deputy mayor of a council red-black.
The synthesis and culmination of all this tradition-from "The Universal" to "socialism tricolor", from meeting Piazza San Sepulchre Champs-Hobbit could be represented by the figure of political and human Beppe Niccolai: fascist left has always been MSI MP for three terms, intellectual, journalist, politician and, above all, a "man of character" to say it with his teacher Berto Ricci. Born November 26, 1920 in Pisa, on the African fighter, a prisoner of war in "Fascists' Criminal Camp" in Hereford, Texas. Just back in Italy, 27 September 1948, wrote a letter-paper on the laceration of his generation with his old friend Roman Bilenchi that in those years, following the strategy of attention Togliatti, was concerned about the "Courier New" dialogue with Fascists. And the friendship between Niccolai Bilenchi and will last a lifetime. As a Member of MSI, Niccolai then had no qualms about praising Vietnam victorious American imperialism. For many years a close associate of Giorgio Almirante, became the main antagonist in the early '80s when he had the courage to "get hurt" and start a courageous self-criticism, which claimed by any party as a sincere reflection.
Niccolai called for a reinterpretation of the mistakes made against the youth protest to the new cultural turmoil and, particularly, with regard to foreign policy. "-Beppe-Matteoli recalled" digging "into the characters he encounters in his daily reading. E per ognuno esaltava la parte che lo aveva particolarmente colpito. Carlo Pisacane: lo affascinava la sua vicenda, la sua morte, il suo sacrificio. Nicolino Bombacci: Beppe era convinto che il fascismo, per il rivoluzionario romagnolo, fosse una rivoluzione da compiere. Berto Ricci: il carattere, il coraggio civile. E infine Italo Balbo: la morte ha colpito Beppe mentre "scavava" nella vita, nell'azione e nel pensiero del grande ferrarese».
All'inizio degli anni '80, Niccolai trasforma Berto Ricci in una vera e propria "bandiera": e lo fa nel momento stesso in cui il MSI comincia a stargli sempre più stretto e l'esigenza di un rinnovamento lo porta a cercare, nel passato, un riferimento dalla grande capacità fascinatrice. E in questo percorso non può che incontrarsi, naturalmente, con alcuni giovani della generazione dei "fascisti in camicia rossa". Nel 1984 -e quella fu l'unica opposizione alla leadership almirantiana al quattordicesimo Congresso missino svoltosi a Roma- presenterà il documento "Segnali di vita", che verrà sottoscritto entusiasticamente dalle componenti giovanili e creative del partito. Nel 1985, in occasione della crisi di Sigonella, Niccolai fece approvare dal Comitato centrale del MSI un ordine del giorno di sostegno a Craxi, in nome dello "scatto" di orgoglio nazionale. D'altra parte, come spiegò dopo la sua morte lo stesso Tatarella in una riunione del Comitato centrale missino, Niccolai voleva MSI do a sort of "national labourism 'was, in short, a true man of the left and, ultimately, dreamed of a strategic convergence between the MSI and the Italian left.
a minority position, that of Niccolai, almost heretical, fought strongly, but able to think a policy is able to catch the long waves of Italian history. In 1987, remains his memorable speech to Congress in Sorrento. With which, in the name of Nicolino Bombacci, called the consolidation of the "socialist division." In those years with his magazine "The Echo of the Versilia, will be the reference point for stronger internal dissension and attempts at dialogue with the outside. E when he died in Pisa, 31 October 1989, will leave the reins to his assistant Antonio Carli Viareggio. "The Echo" will change its name becoming "Tabula Rasa". And gather around the magazine and Gianni Pietrangelo Buttafuoco Welcome, Umberto Croppi Donnici and Benjamin, Vito Errico and Fabio Granata, Luciano Nanni Lanna and Peppe ... I'm the last brood of an old tradition. Which at times is looming with the power of myth. And at times, however, with the instability of an optical illusion. But that has had the advantage of never remain restricted within a party, and even less of a current. Releasing energy and insights that have nonetheless affected the political and cultural locations around the post-Fascist.
from "imaginary Fascists" by Luciano and Filippo Rossi Lanna
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